Digital Imperialism and Algorithmic Management : The Anatomy of Temporal Control, the Network Society, and the Rise of the Gig Economy

Digital platform capitalism, as exemplified by companies like Uber, Gojek, Grab, and Maxim, has the potential to transform employment and working conditions for a growing segment of the workforce. Most digital economy workers are exposed to hazardous, health-damaging working conditions characteristic of the contemporary working class in high-income countries. Digital platform workers may appear to be a new social class or that they do not belong to any social class. However, the class conflict interests (wages, benefits, jobs and working conditions, collective action) of digital platform workers are similar to those of other members of the working class.

This class conflict is exacerbated when the boundaries between capital providers and labor providers are blurred by a false narrative of partnership. Platform workers are often convinced they are independent business owners, while in reality, the algorithms remain completely in the hands of corporations. This asymmetrical structure creates the illusion of autonomy that perpetuates hidden exploitation in the digital space. As a result, the fulfillment of the normative rights of the working class is often neglected in favor of the efficient accumulation of global platform capital.

The rise of the internet as a technological innovation in the labor market has led to the emergence of “gig work” or the “gig economy,” a type of contingent work in which employers, workers, and clients use online platforms or mobile apps to conduct transactions. “Gig economy” may not be the best term to describe these contingent workers, as gig work is not new: the term has been used, for example, among jazz musicians and other artists who perform “on demand” or “on call” without the involvement of a digital platform. Like other types of contingent work, digital platform workers have flexibility in determining the number and schedule of their work hours and may own the technology necessary to perform their work (e.g., a car).

Important qualitative observations about employment indicate that a significant portion of workers engaged in this type of in-demand work are exposed to working conditions considered hazardous (temporary contracts, lack of health insurance benefits in the United States, vulnerability to wage theft) and therefore likely to negatively impact worker health. Thus, digital platform workers appear to be exposed to work and working conditions that also characterize contingent and precarious employment.

These uncertain working conditions create a double vulnerability for workers, both economically and psychologically. Without a guaranteed minimum income, workers are forced to constantly compete in a highly volatile digital ecosystem. The constant pressure to maintain performance ratings on apps forces them to ignore the limits of their physical capabilities. This phenomenon demonstrates how the flexibility offered by platforms often transforms into a trap of endless work-time exploitation.

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